Historically, the Danish government has not been a big spender on Washington lobbying. But days before President Trump took office for the second time, Denmark’s embassy began shopping for a lobbyist with ties to the new president, who has loudly proclaimed his intention to try to take over the Danish autonomous territory of Greenland. .
The Danes are not alone.
Several countries that would be affected by Trump’s threatened takeovers, tariffs, aid reductions or deportations have been urgently seeking help from K Street in navigating his administration.
Panama, which is rejecting Trump’s threat to claim the Panama Canal, signed a contract three days before its opening that could pay nearly $2.5 million over the next year to a team of lobbyists, including prominent Trump ally David Urban by BGR Group, by BGR. , according to the department of justice lobbying filings.
BGR Group, a powerful firm founded by establishment Republicans in the 1990s, also signed a $600,000 for one year contract in late November with the Somali Embassy, which faces the possibility that Mr. Trump’s administration could escalate military cooperation.
And South Korea, which could be hurt by the tariffs, expanded its lobbying corps after the election to bring on board former Trump campaign adviser Bryan Lanza and his team at Mercury Public Affairs, according to lobbying files and a person familiar with the commitment.
The surge in foreign government interest in lobbyists with connections to the new administration underscores the uncertainty with which even American allies view Trump. The administration’s brinkmanship with Colombia over tariffs and the deportation of unauthorized immigrants over the weekend showed how quickly tensions could rise.
The desire for assistance navigating Mr. Trump’s chaotic approach to foreign policy comes as his allies have increasingly become Washington’s influence industry, a shift from when he first took office after a campaign in which he pledged to “drain the swamp.” In 2017, few established lobbying firms had ties to his new administration, allowing a wave of newcomers to make their way onto K Street, the downtown Boulevard that once housed the capital’s major lobbying firms.
And yet, the shopping spree for lobbyists in the early days of the second Trump administration has created a dilemma for influence professionals who want to stay in the good graces and maintain their access while getting results for their clients. Representing a country Trump has attacked could risk blowback from a president who has been sensitive to perceptions of disloyalty or the spectrum of associates who benefit from their affiliation with him.
The Danish embassy was snubbed by the firm of Brian Ballard, a top fundraiser for Trump, according to two people familiar with the country’s outreach who spoke on condition of anonymity to disclose private discussions. Mr. Ballard’s Florida-based firm launched a Washington operation at the start of Mr. Trump’s first term, and has found itself in high demand since election night. The firm declined to comment.
The Danes have also had talks with the BGR group, according to four people with knowledge of the discussions. One of them said that BGR Group seemed unpleasant to accept the commitment.
A spokesperson for BGR Group did not respond to requests for comment.
In a statement, the Danish embassy said it “has not hired a lobbying firm on this issue.” He refused to board if he was looking for one.
Jesper Moller Sorensen, Denmark’s ambassador to the United States, also declined in an interview to discuss K Street’s reach, but said that “Denmark hopes to have a very constructive relationship with the Trump administration.”
Denmark’s effort to hire a well-connected Washington hand comes amid intensifying concern in Denmark and Greenland over Trump’s stated intention to take control of the island. He has hinted at the possibility of using military force to facilitate the purchase of Greenland, the strategically important Arctic island that is a self-regulatory territory of Denmark.
Danish and Greenlander politicians have categorically rejected the prospect of a sale, sometimes in confrontational terms. The standoff is unlike anything the Danes have experienced in their recent relationship with the United States, one of Denmark’s largest trading partners and an important ally.
It’s unclear the last time the Danes retained a traditional lobbyist in Washington. The Department of Foreign Affairs paid American consultants during the Biden administration and Mr. Trump’s first term for public relations assistance related to American tourism, according to records filed with the Justice Department under the Act. Registry of Foreign Agents. Before that, the embassy had last paid for such assistance in 2016, when it retained the Fleishman-Hillard firm for two months to help promote a business mission.
The types of government-to-government interactions that the Danes and Greenlanders have trusted Washington about do not appear to be having the desired effect in the current situation.
Five days before Mr. Trump took office, he had a contentious 45-minute phone call with Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen of Denmark. He made several suggestions for greater cooperation on military and economic issues, but insisted that Greenland, which already hosts a major US base, was not for sale.
On Tuesday, Prime Minister Mute Egede of Greenland told reporters that his government was trying to set up a meeting with Trump to discuss his opposition to the sale.
“There’s no getting around the fact that if they want to talk about Greenland, they have to talk to Greenland.” Mr. Egede said.
Rufus Gifford, a top Democratic fundraiser who was the U.S. ambassador to Denmark under President Barack Obama and remains friendly with Denmark’s king and other leaders there, said Mr. Trump’s stance has sparked a crisis. in the political class.
“They’re shocked, which is quickly turning into anger,” he said. “Danish Prime Minister losing Greenland to another country will be a laugh for the rest of time.”
“They have limited cards,” added Mr. Gifford of the Danes, “but they were able to play what they have and see what happens.”
The Panamanian government is difficult, it is complicated, too. The country has been rattled by Trump’s threats to reclaim the canal, which is important for Panama’s economy. Experts see the threat as a possible negotiating tactic to win more favorable treatment for U.S. ships that use the passage or to extract additional commitments to restrict the flow of migrants through the country on their way to the U.S. border.
Panama signed a contract this month to pay BGR More than $205,000 a month Represent him in Washington for one year. As part of that representation, BGR agreed to pay $100,000 a month to the firm of Manny Ortiz, a lobbyist with ties to Democrats and in Latin America, According to a contract Filed with the Department of Justice.
The rates are higher than those of a contract under which Panama agreed to pay BGR $60,000 a month for about a year during the Biden administration.
The Trump administration’s commitment to acquiring the channel was underscored by Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s decision to visit the country during his first foreign trip, scheduled for later this week.
Elisabeth Bumiller and Jeffrey Gettleman Contributed reports.
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